resistance to german rule in cameroon

Newbury, C., Partition, Development, Trusteeship: Colonial Secretary Wilhelm Solf's West African Journey, 1913, in Gilford and Louis, eds., Britain and Germany in Africa, p. 471.Google Scholar. Can Pakistan's caretaker government ensure free elections? Samori managed to bring together two powerful groups long-distance trading merchants and traditional rulers in the region. But because conditions were so bad, resistance nevertheless continued. and The self-declared entityis still not recognized internationally. This geographical imbalance is further visible in the individual biographies of six missionaries in Chapter Six: four are Europeans, one American and only one Tanganyikan. In the end, German forces managed to put the rebellion down, but it took two years. For example, during the Boxer War, American officials condemned the conduct of German punitive expeditions, and their own forces refrained from razing villages. cit., pp. To varying degrees, they pick up on four broad trends within the burgeoning field of German colonial history: an increasing sensitivity to histories of the colonised; contextualising German colonial history within a wider European imperial framework; sustained attention to the transnational turn; and tracing the impact of empire on the colonial metropole. Mveng, E., op. 57 APA 10572/N, Copy of placard and articles. Subsequently, tension escalate, with English-speaking Cameroonians variously calling to reestablish a federal system, or split from Francophone Cameroon. Terry Gunnell, Slavery and Sacred Texts: The Bible, the Constitution, and Historical Consciousness in Antebellum America, http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b3ac0.html, http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/, Receive exclusive offers and updates from Oxford Academic. "coreDisableEcommerceForBookPurchase": false, For example, in June 1938 a halt was put to further rural concessions to Europeans in the territory specifically to counter German propaganda. However, this brought him into conflict with the British as well. Kuss engages in a systematic explanation of the battle at the Waterberg plateau, focusing not just on the infamous extermination order, as many non-military historians are wont to do, but explaining the contingent factors, including the rather desperate military situation of the Germans at Hamakari up to that point. And in 201617 the German Historical Museum in Berlin staged a major exhibition on German colonialism that was attended by over 100,000 visitors. Some historians of German colonialism may already be familiar with these sources, but they offer further useful context, together with some new insights from, for example, French perspectives. Bafut Wars - Wikipedia "coreDisableEcommerceForArticlePurchase": false, Render date: 2023-08-22T17:16:30.204Z II/2930,Google Scholar Report by Administrator Rallon of his interview with Prince Alexander Manga Bell, son of the martyred Duala chieftain, and his companion, Elong nya Ngando, Paris, October 14, 1919. Cf. Le Vine, V. T., op. For full access to this pdf, sign in to an existing account, or purchase an annual subscription. Five years ago, angry protests against Francophone dominance in Cameroon escalated and soon led to armed clashes between various Anglophone separatist groups and the central government. Report on the Work of the Nineteenth Session of the Permanent Mandates Com mission (hereafter cited as PMC), 1930, Annex 13, p. 196. Unfortunately, he had no artillery. Separatists in Anglophone regions want their own state, called Ambazonia. We shall only kill. The author argues that the racial hierarchies imposed by the colonial system facilitated the access of doctors to patient bodies, and they could require more of the population to submit to medical supervision than was possible in Germany.2 According to Walther, in the overseas territories, [doctors] implemented the policies they did because they could, which in the end went beyond what was possible at home.3 In addition to white prostitutes and the military, they also tried to control indigenous groups through education, regulation and coercion, thus opening up a much larger field of experimentation. "coreUseNewShare": false, They had already occupied some territory along the coast, and they hoped both to build their national reputation and to use Ethiopia as a place to resettle poor, landless Italians. Egger approaches the history of this organisation with a translocal, transregional and transnational perspective.23 Her goal is to write the history of the modern Christian mission as part of the history of the European, American and African societies involved, but also with a view to a shared history of complex relationships and entanglements.24, In doing so, Egger casts her chronological net wider than is usual, situating her analysis from the late nineteenth century to the 1960s. The author convincingly argues that a closer look at the specifics of each case-study is needed in order really to understand why the campaign in German South West Africa became genocidal and those in other theatres of war did not. WebMartin Z. Njeuma, The Usmanuya System, Radicalism and the Establishment of German Colonial Rule in Northern Cameroon, 1890-1907, Paideuma: Mitteilungen zur Kulturkunde, Links in 2010. Campaigns, which lasted three Then they resisted the policy as much as possible. And yet one is left wondering whether there was more than just a one-way knowledge transfer from Germany to the colonieswhether the two were even more entangled than the analysis suggests. 61 APA 10572/N, Letter to the chef de circonscriplion of Kribi, December 15, 1927. 2 This movement is the subject of a doctoral thesis by this author at Nuffield College, Oxford University, Radical Nationalism in Cameroun: The Case of the Union des Populations du Cameroun (U.P.C. Further information from ego-documents rather than military directives might help historians overcome this divide and work toward a more sustained analysis of the actual experience of these conflicts, as Kuss sets out to do in the introduction. Some Cameroonian fathers encouraged their sons to consult German physicians before marriage; some prostitutes coveted a clean bill of health issued by colonial authorities because it facilitated their work.18 Alternative reactions included patients trying to escape from treatment camps in East Africa, prostitutes avoiding inspection through marriage in East Africa, and prostitutes targeted through surveillance in Cameroon simply leaving the area to avoid invasive procedures.19 Can we then interpret these latter actions as forms of resistance? 1920.Google Scholar, 36 Nearly all the large-scale German plantations before 1914 were located in what subsequently became the British sector of the Cameroons. The conflict between the French-speaking majority state and the smaller English-speaking parts of the country has been simmering for decades. The third part of the book, Fighting Venereal Disease in the Colonies, shows in particular how colonial authorities exerted their power not only in the implementation of control measures, but especially in the reaction to non-compliance with public health measures. 70 A.P. Readers learn much about contingent factors in military decision-making around these three conflicts. Voter turnout, however, has reached a historic low. Although unfortunately it does not include a bibliography, it is an excellent first point of call for scholars wanting to do further research in this area. 46) and non-European indigenous actors (chs. This is an important attempt to overcome national and Eurocentric boundaries of historical research on German colonialism. 37 APA 10222, Letter from the Commissaire, June 12, 1925. and Talks are planned from September 30 until October 4. The town of Mankon was burnt down by the force on January 31, 1891. cit., pp. Commissaire Boisson to the Colonial Minister, June 1938. Samori had become a soldier as a young man in the 1840s, and he waged a military campaign in the 1860s and 1870s, before Europeans really began to push into the interior of West Africa. II/28.Google Scholar. By 9:30 in the morning, the Italian force had been defeated. And if you were just about to ask for three examples of this sort of resistance, this is your lucky day! If you're behind a web filter, please make sure that the domains *.kastatic.org and *.kasandbox.org are unblocked. Sex and Control provides the reader with a great deal of insight into the mechanisms behind both the reach of venereal disease and attempts to control it in the colonies. Cf. 39 In Campo, which was located south of Kribi and close to the border with Muni, Rio, the chef de subdivision was already involved in 1925Google Scholar in submitting reports to Yaound*eacute;, based on information provided by several agents, on these questions. 2015. German Colonial Wars engages in a stimulating dialogue with previous arguments and is a clear enrichment to the literature of the field. However, we need to think clearly about African resistance to colonialism. WebThe initial resistance to colonialism in Africa often took the form of military confrontations. 84 A.P. Trench of the British Royal Garrison Artillery. 64 APA 10226, Report received in Yaound on January 29, 1930. Samori, as he is known, was a Muslim leader although unlike many other resistance leaders he was not himself a trained religious figure. The most innovative contributions (which, incidentally, are also of great interest to social and cultural historians) include information on ideology and the passage to war; environment and the enemy; and diseases and injuries. Cameroon's president, Paul Biya, meanwhile, continues downplaying and suppressing the conflict. Further, it is even more reflective in the titles assumed by the Fons of Bafut. Cf. These reach beyond military intervention and involve mentalities, memories and legacies. Therefore, Samori was forced to fight the French again. One of the Camerounians arrested was Sam Bebe Harris, a Woermann employee; and a German member of the firm, referred to as Carloff, was accused by the Administration of having circulated propaganda to the local germanophiles. APA 10226, chef de circonscription of Dschang to the Commissaire, February 12,1931; and chef de circonscription in Nkongsamba to the Commissaire, January 4, 1931. II/2930,Google Scholar L'Arrt portant internement de six indignes pour agitation politique, October 10, 1934. The colonial past has also become a major talking-point within Germany. This is followed by a chapter zooming in on individual experiences, though not abandoning the biographical approach. Najman, Boris 42 APA 10222, Letter to the Commissaire, June 11, 1925. On the same day, separatists celebrate the proclamation of the independent Republic of Ambazoniain 2017. 11/2930,Google Scholar Note de prsentation en Conseil d'Administration, 15 October, 1926. When German colonists 23 Archives Nationales (Service d'Outre-Mer), Cameroun A.P. The army fails to bring the situation under control. In fact, she argues that appreciation of these diverse motivations sheds light on the particular brutality exhibited by German naval personnel and Marine Infantrymen during the early stages of the war in German SouthWest Africa. October 2016: Anglophone Cameroonians launch wildcat strikes, demanding equality. He has written eleven books on African and world history, including, Posted 5 months ago. cit., p. 456.Google Scholar In the case of Cameroun, the German trading firms had played a very significant part in the establishment of German colonial rule in the territory. In 1892, the French army and Samoris army waged a huge battle that was very closely fought, but eventually Samori was defeated. One clear theme that emerges from this research is the idea of transnational, or imperial, careering.27 Extending this concept into the missionary world, Egger includes not just ordained priests, but also Brudermissionare, that is, teachers, craftsmen, mechanics, engineers and doctors, as well as women members of the Frauenmission who would help priests in the civilizing mission.28 Crucially, by placing the main part of her study in the 1920s to the 1960s, the author includes not just American and European, but also Tanganyikan missionary careers. Attention to a possible overlap between discourses which focus on the working class in colony and metropole and on the racial underclass abroad, though briefly mentioned, might have been pursued further. 52 APA 10226, Reports from Nkongsamba and Mbanga of March 19 and 20, 1929; and from the Commissioner of Police in Douala, March 14, 1929. French-administered Cameroon gained independence in 1960. Dozens are wounded in the clashes. 03 June 2009. The studys anchoring in the spatial specificity of the Kriegsschauplatz concept is both a strength and a weakness. Throughout the work, the author also recognises the complicated relationship between missionary and (neo-)colonial ideals. Content may require purchase if you do not have access. lxxviii, p. 277, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b3ac0.html (accessed 18 Oct. 2018); cf. It also includes some original research, for example, on the nature of conflict from diary entries and previously neglected sources, including a letter relating to the HereroNama War. On March 1, 1896, the two armies met at Adwa. Trevor Getz is Professor of African History at San Francisco State University. Anyone working with German colonial statistics has come across frustrating blanks such as this, but one wonders whether it is wise to give quite so much attention to these numbers in Part II, given their unreliability. The legend from Bafut leaders such as Raphael Chimeba Akonteh indicates, that before its final defeat by the Germans, the Bafut Empire had defeated the Germans several times during wars that lasted more than seven years.

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resistance to german rule in cameroon